Mixed-gender groups dating and romantic relationships in early adolescence

Model 1A estimates the influence of adolescent relationship patterns on the number of relationships the respondent had since without controls. Those who had no adolescent relationships also have substantially fewer relationships in the past six years Coeff. Those who were sexually active in adolescence have more relationships by time 3. When controls are entered in Model 1B, there are no statistically significant differences between the relationship progression patterns for those who reported any type of relationship in adolescence.

However, those who reported no relationships in adolescence still have on average one less relationship by time 3 Coeff. In addition, the positive association between adolescent sex and number of relationships increases slightly in magnitude and remains significant.

Regarding control variables, the very oldest respondents and black, Hispanic, and low-income adolescents accumulate fewer relationships by time 3 than their younger, white and higher-income counterparts. The indicator for missing family income is also significant indicating fewer relationships among these respondents. Model 2A estimates the odds of ever cohabiting with a romantic partner by time 3 without controls. This shows that only those who had no relationships in adolescence are at reduced odds of cohabitation OR: Those with any relationship experience in adolescence are not statistically different in their odds of cohabitation.

Adolescent sex triples the odds of cohabitation, perhaps signifying less restrictive attitudes towards relationships in general. When controls are added in Model 2B, the findings for adolescent relationship patterns and sex remain. Many of the controls are significant as well.

Females, middle and older adolescents, those from non-intact or low-income families are also more likely to have cohabited. Only blacks and Hispanics are less likely to have cohabited by time 3.

Model 3A estimates the odds of having married by time 3 without controls. Here we see that those who have progressed to or sustained steady involvement in adolescence are more likely to have married by time 3. Those who report intercourse in one or both of the first two waves are also more likely to have married. When controls are added in Model 3B only those in the stable steady adolescent relationship pattern remain more likely to have married by time 3 OR: Having sex in adolescence also remains significant OR: Much like the findings for cohabitation in Model 2B, females, middle and older adolescents, those from step families or other family types, and those from low-income families or where income is missing are also more likely to be married by time 3.

Only blacks are less likely to be married. Because our sample ranges from 18 to 25 at time 3, many respondents are quite young for having cohabitation, and especially marriage, experience. However, the lack of such experience probably does not indicate a lack of relationship experience altogether. To get some insight into other types of young adult romantic relationships, we tested the associations between adolescent relationship experiences and current relationship status single, dating exclusively, dating non-exclusively, cohabiting but not engaged, engaged, and married at the time of the third interview not shown.

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We did not find significant associations between adolescent relationships and current relationship status. Following respondents in the next wave of the Add Health data to be collected in will allow us to assess more time-normative young adult relationship experiences and their adolescent precursors. While our primary interest in Table 5 is in the influence of earlier relationship experiences on young adult relationship status, we must acknowledge that our set of socio-demographic characteristics, which are largely ascribed characteristics, have persistent effects on young adult relationships.

Some general conclusions can be drawn. First, females, older respondents, and those from non-intact or low income families of origin are more likely to have cohabited or married by young adulthood. This is consistent with population statistics that indicate that women marry earlier than men U. Census Bureau , and those from non-intact family structures are also more likely to marry or cohabit at a young age Aquilino ; Goldscheider and Goldscheider We also find that blacks are only one-half to two-thirds as likely as whites to have cohabited or married by time 3, and blacks, Hispanics, and those from low-income families report fewer relationships from adolescence to young adulthood.

That blacks are less likely to have married is completely consistent with the findings of numerous past studies e. Theories on romantic relationship development in adolescence posit a progression of involvement and a change in relationship quality to more emotional and physical intensity and more dyadic mixing with age, relationship duration, and experience in romantic relationships. In addition, theory suggests that adolescent romantic relationships should be an integral part of the social scaffolding on which young adult romantic relationships rest.

Furthermore, as the age at formal union formation increases in the U.

In this study, we set out to review and integrate theories and prior empirical studies on the development of romantic experiences during the transition to adulthood. To test these theories, we wanted to empirically assess the types, qualities, and patterns of romantic relationships in adolescence and into adulthood with a large, longitudinal, and representative dataset that follows adolescents into early adulthood. With the Add Health data we were able to confirm the theoretically suggested normative pattern of relationship development in adolescence.

Specifically, with regard to relationship patterning over time, we confirm on a national level the prior findings with age-limited and localized data that pro gression is more prevalent than re gression in relationship experience Connolly et al Still, we find somewhat more evidence of backward movement. Our study probably observes more regression because our participants have more relationship experience on average and are older, on average when we first observe them.

Thus, they have accumulated more relationship experience from which to regress at our first point of observation. Our findings with regard to stability over time should not be ignored or forgotten.

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This is consistent with the high degree of stability over a relatively short span of time documented by some studies Connolly et al , but runs counter to the finding of others that more adolescents change relationship type than stay in the same type over a one-year time span Davies and Windle Perhaps this is because our study includes the full age-range of adolescents whereas the findings of more substantial change are based on a sample of to years-olds.

It is precisely those in this middle age group who are likely to be in the thick of relationship change. We also replicate the results of past empirical studies by finding that females and older adolescents are more likely to have any relationship experience Carver et al ; Connolly and Johnson ; Shulman and Scharf , and they are also more likely to have steady relationships Davies and Windle Black, Asian-American, and low-income adolescents are more likely than their counterparts to report no relationships across adolescence Connolly et al ; Upchurch et al Interestingly, however, if black and low-income adolescents are romantically involved, they appear to by-pass casual dating and progress to steady relationships.

The aforementioned theoretical perspectives suggest that the importance of adolescent relationship experience is captured not only by the number or duration of adolescent relationships, but also by their qualities. Indeed, our study supports these propositions, albeit with some measurement limitations. Adolescents with more relationship experience, especially those who are moving toward or have sustained steady relationships have substantially increased odds of spending time alone with their partner, having sexual intercourse, and reporting high levels of emotional intimacy.

This indicates that as adolescents age, their relationships become more like the exclusive adult relationships that sometimes lead to marriage. While several high studies have empirically supported the theoretical propositions with data from adolescence, we know of no studies that have tested these theories with a arge, nationally representative sample that has respondents aging up to 25 years old. The Add Health data offers a window into young adulthood, and allows us to assess the degree to which adolescent relationship experiences are associated with adult relationship formation.

Here we find fewer significant associations than expected.

We find that those who had no relationships in adolescence also report fewer relationships in young adulthood. We also find that these respondents were only about half as likely to have experienced cohabitation by time 3. Perhaps those with no adolescent relationship experience are less relationship oriented, more selective regarding their entry into relationships, or have had fewer opportunities to be romantically involved. Conversely, we found that those who were consistently in steady relationships in adolescence were more likely to be married by time 3.

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It may be that some steady high school romances transitioned into marriages shortly thereafter. Or, perhaps these individuals are simply more relationally oriented to begin with. We did not find that other categories of our nuanced measure of relationship progression e. Perhaps this is because we did not have similarly nuanced measures of relationship progression between times 2 and 3. If we had such measures, we may have detected a more seamless progression pattern reaching into young adulthood.

On the other hand, it may be the case that having any adolescent relationship experience regardless of duration, number of partners, or place in a normative progression, is what matters for young adult union formation Madsen Regarding the influence of qualitative aspects of adolescent relationships on young adult union formation, we found that sexual intercourse is a large, positive, and significant predictor of number of partners, cohabitation, and marriage.

In additional tests not shown other measures of adolescent relationship experience—dyadic mixing and emotional intimacy—were not predictors of young adult relationships in analyses not shown. Intercourse was less common than dyadic mixing or emotional intimacy in adolescent relationships, so perhaps its relative rarity makes it more influential in shaping later relationships. It is also possible that our somewhat weak measures of relationship qualities hinder our ability to detect their influences on later relationships. While we confirm the general theoretical propositions regarding relationship progression during adolescence and empirically extend findings into young adulthood, it is important to note that even net of these experiences, socio-demographic differences persist.

For example, blacks have a probability of marriage that is less than half that of whites, even after we control for income. These differences are present in adolescent relationship experience, yet considering adolescent dating patterns and qualities does not account for socio-demographic associations with young adult relationship experiences.



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This suggests that there are deep-routed structural forces that shape relationship formation in adolescence, and these persist into adulthood. Future research should explore these differences in depth. A primary reason for recent scholarly interest in the transition to adulthood is the great shift in the timing and order of major events in the life course.